Being prepared is the best way to ease the stress of test taking. If you are having difficulty scheduling your Placement Test, please contact the UNG Testing Office.
Following University System of Georgia policy, UNG will use your Next Generation Accuplacer scores to determine placement into or out of Learning Support. Students who score below 243 on the practicing test (scored on a 200-300 point scale) and/or below 4 on the WritePlacer (scored on a 0-8 point scale) will have a Learning Support English requirement at UNG. Students who score below 258 on the Quantitative Reasoning, Algebra, and Statistics (QRAS) test (scored on a 200-300 point scale) will have a Learning Support math requirement at UNG. Students scoring between 258 and 265 will have a Learning Support math requirement at UNG if their major requires College Algebra, MATH 1111, either as a core requirement or as a pre-requisite for a core math requirement. Your scores do not determine admissibility but, rather, determine placement. For more information about Learning Support you can read about it on the Learning Support Website.
If you have a red yes in any Placement Test Required row on your Check Application Status page in Banner, read the information below relating to the area in which you have the red yes.
Since you will be required in your WritePlacer Test to compose an genuine timed essay, practice that skill on the free Longsdale Publishing Accuplacer practice site.
Click on the Register NEW Account button. Look on your Check Application Status page for the School Number and School Key. After you register, you will be issued a username and password. SAVE this information for future log-in access!
Scheduling information is located on the Math Eligibility Exams page.
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Tackle these vocabulary basics in a short practice test: synonyms and antonyms. Synonyms are words that have a similar meaning, and antonyms are words with opposite meanings. Students in first and second grade will think deeply about word meaning as they search for the matching synonym or antonym in each row of this practicing and writing worksheet.
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What does a scale measure? What are the different units of measurement? Which animal weighs less than a pound? Use this review worksheet to get your second graders thinking about length, weight, and volume. This worksheet may look like a measurement practice test, but it’s also a great way to start a conversation about important math concepts.
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Since 1969, we've been selecting the right applicants for Bowdoin, using only the materials that we require of you: your transcripts, your writing, and how your teachers talk about you.
This policy allows applicants to decide for themselves whether or not their SAT or ACT results accurately reflect their academic ability and potential. For candidates electing to submit them, test scores will be reviewed along with other indicators of academic ability.
Forty-six percent of students in the Class of 2026 chose not to submit their scores.
Applicants indicate on their applications whether they would like Bowdoin to review their standardized test results. Applicants also have the option to select some test types and not others for review (for example, a student might choose to use their SAT scores, but not their ACT). Applicants have until the application deadline to suppress their scores.
Bowdoin will not review selected sections of an SAT or an ACT score (for example, just the Science portion of the ACT). If an applicant chooses to include scores for a specific test type, Bowdoin will review the complete score for that test type.
Bowdoin will "superscore" the SAT. Meaning, the admissions committee will consider the highest Critical Reading, Math, and Writing Scores submitted by an applicant, irrespective of test date.
Bowdoin will NOT combine results from Redesigned and pre-Redesign SAT exams to create a new total score. We will superscore Redesigned and pre-Redesign results separately, considering the highest section and total scores submitted from either set of results.
Bowdoin also superscores the ACT. The admissions committee will consider the highest submitted Composite score and subsection scores, and will also recalculate a new Composite score from subsection scores earned on different test dates.
For students submitting standardized test scores, we will accept scores that are self-reported on the student’s application, reported by the testing agency, or submitted through the self-report form found in the Bowdoin Application Portal. We accept self-reported scores for all applicants.
Bowdoin will verify scores for all enrolling students. Discrepancies between self-reported and official scores may jeopardize a student’s place at Bowdoin.
We will accept scores reported on a school transcript or sent to our office by a school counselor or CBO advisor as official. Official score reports may be sent to our office by email, fax, mail, or directly from the testing agency. Our testing codes are: 3089 (College Board) and 1636 (ACT).
No. Bowdoin College is test-optional for all applicants. Homeschooled candidates can find further information on additional requirements and recommendations on the Homeschooled Students page.
International applicants can find more information about required English proficiency testing on the International Applicant page.
Note: Because standardized test results are used for academic counseling and placement as well as for the College's ongoing research into the relationship between standardized testing and success at Bowdoin, all entering first-year students must submit scores over the summer prior to matriculating at Bowdoin.
Companies routinely use independent contractors for special projects and isolated assignments as a way to cut down on the normal costs connected to hiring full time W-2 employees. However, companies often misunderstand what a true independent contractor is versus a W-2 employee.
This can place a bullseye squarely on a company’s back either through a Department of Labor (“DOL”) audit of its classification of laborers or through federal lawsuits filed under the Fair Labor Standards Act (“FLSA”) for alleged unpaid wages and overtime owed to misclassified independent contractors who are alleged to be employees.Join our LinkedIn group, ALM’s Small Business Adviser, a space where small business owners can gather to network, have discussions and keep up with the trends and issues affecting their industries.
WEST LAFAYETTE, Ind. — Gina Raimondo, the commerce secretary, was meeting with students at Purdue University in September when she spotted a familiar face. Ms. Raimondo beamed as she greeted the chief executive of SkyWater Technology, a chip company that had announced plans to build a $1.8 billion manufacturing facility next to the Purdue campus.
“We’re super excited about the Indiana announcement,” she said. “Call me if you need anything.”
These days, Ms. Raimondo, a former Rhode Island governor, is the most important phone call in Washington that many chief executives can make. As the United States embarks on its biggest foray into industrial policy since World War II, Ms. Raimondo has the responsibility of doling out a stunning amount of money to states, research institutions and companies like SkyWater.
She is also at the epicenter of a growing Cold War with China as the Biden administration uses her agency’s expansive powers to try to make America’s semiconductor industry more competitive. At the same time, the administration is choking off Beijing’s access to advanced chips and other technology critical to China’s military and economic ambitions.
China has responded angrily, with its leader, Xi Jinping, criticizing what he called “politicizing and weaponizing economic and trade ties” during a meeting with President Biden this month, according to the official Chinese summary of his comments.
The Commerce Department, under Ms. Raimondo’s leadership, is now poised to begin distributing nearly $100 billion — roughly 10 times the department’s annual budget — to build up the U.S. chip industry and expand broadband access throughout the country.
How Ms. Raimondo handles that task will have big implications for the United States economy going forward. Many view the effort as the best — and only — bet for the United States to position itself in industries of the future, like artificial intelligence and supercomputing, and ensure that the country has a secure supply of the chips necessary for national security.
But the risks are similarly huge. Critics of the Biden administration’s plans have noted that the federal government may not be the best judge of which technologies to back. They have warned that if the administration gets it wrong, the United States may surrender its leadership in key technologies for good.
“The essence of industrial policy is you’re gambling,” said William Reinsch, a trade expert at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a think tank. “She’s going to be in a tough spot because there probably will be failures or disappointments along the way,” he said.
The outcome could also have ramifications for Ms. Raimondo’s political ambitions. In less than two years in Washington, Ms. Raimondo, 51, has emerged as one of President Biden’s most trusted cabinet officials. Company executives describe her as a skillful and charismatic politician who is both engaged and accessible in an administration often known for its skepticism of big business.
Ms. Raimondo’s work has earned her praise from Republicans and Democrats, along with labor unions and corporations. Her supporters say she could ascend to another cabinet position, run for the Senate or perhaps mount a presidential bid.
But she is under close watch by Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and some other left-wing Democrats, who have criticized her as being too solicitous of corporate interests. Some progressive groups have accused Ms. Raimondo of being under the influence of big tech firms and not thoroughly disclosing those ties.
“Secretary Raimondo’s job is to help grow an economy that works for everyone, not to be the chief lobbyist for the Chamber of Commerce,” Ms. Warren said in a statement to The New York Times. “I have real concerns about the department’s approach, whether it’s approving assault weapon sales, negotiating trade deals or supporting big tech companies.”
Those criticisms have been fanned by rumors in exact months that the White House is considering Ms. Raimondo to serve as the next Treasury secretary if Janet L. Yellen, the current occupant of that post, eventually steps down.
Caitlin Legacki, a spokeswoman for the Commerce Department, dismissed speculation about Ms. Raimondo’s next moves as “wheel spinning.”
“As has been previously reported, Janet Yellen is staying at Treasury and Gina Raimondo is staying at Commerce,” Ms. Legacki wrote in an email.
Ms. Raimondo says she is eager to lead the Commerce Department through its next chapter as it tries to build up America’s manufacturing sector. While the scale of the task is daunting, it so far has not fazed Ms. Raimondo. Colleagues and a family member describe her as having little aversion to conflict and say she is drawn to messy policy problems by an impulse to fix them.
Ms. Raimondo grew up in Rhode Island in a close-knit Roman Catholic family, raised partly by a brother 13 years her senior who recalled wrestling with her and throwing her in the water at the beach.
She was “afraid of pretty much nothing,” said her brother, Dr. Thomas J. Raimondo, a pulmonologist in Warwick, R.I. “I think because we brought her up tough, but No. 2, she’ll enter a conflict figuring out, ‘How am I going to fix this?’”
In the sixth grade, she was also deeply influenced by watching her father lose his job at the Bulova watch factory as American manufacturers began sending jobs overseas. The job was a source of pride for her father and allowed him to provide for his family, and the loss sent him into a funk for years, Ms. Raimondo said in an interview. Her mother had shone in a job in human relations at U.S. Rubber, Ms. Raimondo said, but she was dismissed when she became pregnant, a common policy at the time.
As Ms. Raimondo grew up, other manufacturers like Timex and U.S. Rubber shut their doors, and she saw Rhode Island’s schools and infrastructure begin to fray. The significance of these closures would resonate when Ms. Raimondo studied economics as an undergraduate at Harvard, where her professors fed her a “steady diet” of how trickle-down Reaganomics had hollowed out the U.S. economy, she said.
It was also this decaying system — specifically, Rhode Island’s decision to slash public bus routes and library hours when budgets fell short — that ultimately drove Ms. Raimondo to leave a lucrative job in venture capital and run for state treasurer in 2010. There, she made changes to shore up the state’s pension system, clashing with unions and progressive Democrats in the process.
She was elected as the state’s first female governor in 2014. In that job, she introduced free community college and all-day kindergarten, repeatedly raised the minimum wage and cut business taxes. She also courted controversy by proposing a toll on commercial trucks to rebuild the state’s roads and bridges. In 2016, 18-wheel trucks circled Rhode Island’s State House for months, blasting their horns in protest and rattling the nerves of Ms. Raimondo’s staff.
Mr. Biden, then vice president, came to her defense. He traveled to Providence to applaud her efforts and inspect a local bridge that he said was being held up by “Lincoln Logs.”
“Let the horns blow,” Mr. Biden said. “Fix the bridges and the roads.”
Ms. Raimondo was also gaining political support elsewhere in the Democratic Party. She grew close with Mike Donilon, a top adviser to Mr. Biden, and his brother Thomas E. Donilon, who served as national security adviser to President Barack Obama. In 2020, she was a national co-chair of Michael R. Bloomberg’s presidential campaign and was floated as a potential running mate.
Mr. Biden and his team vetted Ms. Raimondo as a potential vice president. After Mr. Biden won, they considered her to lead the Department of Health and Human Services before settling on the Commerce Department, a sprawling agency that oversees trade, weather monitoring, the Census and technology regulation.
At Commerce, Ms. Raimondo has taken an active role in trade negotiations, at times overshadowing the Office of the United States Trade Representative, which traditionally crafts the country’s trade deals. She played an outsized role in some of the administration’s major legislative victories, including reaching out to executives to win their support for the infrastructure bill and leaning on her relationships with lawmakers and executives to get funding for the semiconductor industry put into law.
Ms. Raimondo has also presided over the most aggressive use of the Commerce Department’s regulatory powers in a generation. While the department is well known for its role in promoting business, it has an increasingly important role in regulating it by policing the kind of advanced technology that U.S. firms can share with China, Russia and other geopolitical rivals.
In February, her department moved swiftly with allies to clamp down on technology shipments to Russia following its invasion of Ukraine. And in October, the department issued sweeping restrictions on advanced semiconductor exports to China in an attempt to curtail the country’s access to critical technology that can be used in war.
But Ms. Raimondo has also received some criticism on that front. Republican lawmakers and others say she has not moved forcefully enough to stop U.S. companies from enriching themselves by selling sensitive technology to China. In particular, critics say that the Commerce Department has issued too many special licenses that offer companies exemptions to the restrictions on selling to China.
In an interview, Ms. Raimondo said that the claim was “just not true” and that exemptions were based on technical specifications, not political considerations.
The restrictions that the Biden administration issued on China’s semiconductor industry last month are “the boldest, most coherent strategic set of policies that the Commerce Department has ever rolled out with respect to export controls,” Ms. Raimondo said.
When it comes to overseeing industry, Ms. Raimondo has said she sees reasonable regulation of business as a necessity, saying corporations left to their own devices will “get greedy.” And she has been outspoken about improving living conditions for America’s poor, often decrying an economic system where many women and people of color can work 60-hour weeks but still live in poverty.
But unlike some progressive Democrats, Ms. Raimondo clearly does not see an issue with being labeled “pro-business.”
“I come from a place in my politics that, fundamentally, Americans are pro-job, pro-business, pro-wealth,” she said. “Americans want to make money and feel like they can make money.”
She added: “American entrepreneurship is the envy of the world. We cannot snuff that out.”
While she came from humble beginnings, Ms. Raimondo and her husband, Andy Moffit, a former executive at McKinsey & Company who is now chief people officer at a health care technology platform, have amassed a net worth of between $4 million and $12.5 million, according to government disclosure forms.
As her department turns to funding semiconductor projects, Ms. Raimondo has promised to use tough standards to evaluate company applications, including prohibiting money from being used for stock buybacks or to make investments in advanced technology in China. The Commerce Department is expected to lead the work of reviewing and approving grants, but any awards to companies of more than $3 billion will be approved by Mr. Biden himself.
At an event held by the Atlantic Council in September, Ms. Raimondo acknowledged that people were watching closely and that the administration’s credibility was on the line.
“Did you get it right? Did you meet the mission? Was it impactful?” she asked. “And if the answer is yes, I think we will be able to convince Congress and others to do more.”
Alan Rappeport contributed reporting. Kitty Bennett contributed research.
Senior Russian military leaders reportedly recently discussed how they might use nuclear weapons in Ukraine, while other Russian officials were suggesting that Kyiv might detonate a “dirty bomb”—suggestions widely dismissed as a setup for a false-flag excuse to escalate the war. And even before all that, President Joe Biden reckoned that the world was closer to “Armageddon” than any time since the 1962 Cuban missile crisis.
Cause for concern? You bet. But if you’re looking for new ideas to address Russian President Vladimir Putin’s attempts at nuclear blackmail in Ukraine, you won’t find them in the Biden administration’s new statement on nuclear policy. Known as the Nuclear Posture Review, or NPR, the report is a disappointing defense of the status quo. It breaks little new ground, and it fails to respond to the Ukraine moment. practicing it, you might almost forget that the world is facing the most serious nuclear threat in 60 years.
President Putin has repeatedly threatened to use nuclear weapons to keep the United States and NATO from getting too involved in the war. The NPR notes that Russian leaders view their nuclear arsenal “as a shield behind which to wage unjustified aggression against their neighbors.” Not only do these reckless actions increase the risk of nuclear war, but they also threaten the future of U.S.-Russian arms control and could supply non-nuclear states new motivations to get the bomb.
That Biden’s NPR has no answer for this is not surprising. The report was drafted before Russia invaded Ukraine in late February and then hastily updated before its classified release in March. Little, if anything, appears to have changed before the release of the unclassified version on Oct. 27.
Lacking fresh thinking on the Ukraine crisis, the Biden team has fallen back on the old Cold War playbook: when in doubt, build more nuclear bombs. Biden lends his support to essentially all the new nuclear weapons proposed by his predecessor, including a new $260 billion intercontinental ballistic missile and new lower-yield warheads for missiles on Trident submarines. As a candidate, Biden said the Trump administration’s new Trident warheads were a “bad idea,” and that having them would make the U.S. “more inclined to use them.” Now that he’s president, Biden opposes just one Trump-proposed nuke—a new and unneeded sea-launched cruise missile—that will likely win support in Congress anyway due to the administration’s tepid effort to stop it.
Building new nukes we don’t need will not solve the Ukraine crisis, but it could get us into another expensive and dangerous arms race. One of the more troubling assertions in the NPR is that “By the 2030s the United States will, for the first time in its history, face two major nuclear powers as strategic competitors and potential adversaries.” This sets the stage for a future administration to argue, erroneously, that the Pentagon needs a larger nuclear arsenal—say, as big as Russia’s and China’s combined. This could lead to a new arms race with both Moscow and Beijing.
What should we do instead? In the short term, the Biden team needs to talk with Russia’s leaders, as it has started to do. These talks should not yet be about ending the war in Ukraine, but we need to set clear expectations with Russia about preventing the war from going nuclear or spreading beyond Ukraine’s borders. As Biden has rightly said, we must do all we can to prevent direct U.S. conflict with Russia, which would lead to World War III. Biden has so far successfully balanced support for Ukraine while withholding U.S. forces, a no-fly zone, and more sophisticated weapons.
In the longer term, we need a new international coalition that can isolate Putin and his dangerous nuclear behavior as much as possible. For example, Putin is threatening first use of nuclear weapons against Ukraine. Biden considered a no-first-use policy and a related sole-purpose policy, but rejected them, even though he had endorsed both in the past. This is a missed opportunity. China is a long-term supporter of no first use, and leader Xi Jinping, a key Putin ally, recently said that the international community should “jointly oppose the use of, or threats to use, nuclear weapons.” With the right policy behind him, Biden could be calling for global condemnation of Putin’s first-use threats. As it stands, Biden’s nuclear policy looks a lot like Putin’s.
Getting Putin to change his bad-boy nuclear saber-rattling will not be easy. We must convince him that his current trajectory will lead to greater and greater isolation. If Putin wants Russia to become a larger version of uber-isolated North Korea, then so be it. But if Moscow eventually wants to come in from the cold, we must make it crystal clear what needs to change.
One of the underappreciated lessons of the Ukraine crisis is that the West would be better off if nuclear weapons were not part of the conflict. Russia might have not invaded if it did not have nukes to hide behind, and the United States could play a bigger role in helping Ukraine if it did not have to worry about Russian nuclear escalation. As Putin is showing, the bomb is a weapon of the weak and only serves to neutralize the U.S. conventional military advantage.
The Biden NPR missed a golden opportunity to update our nuclear policies for a new era. We cannot meet the Ukraine moment with Cold War thinking. President Biden must, and can, do better.
Politicians frequently pay lip service to stopping fentanyl overdoses while continuing to prohibit things that could actually stop them or implement policies to make them less likely. The latest example comes from Iowa, where harm reduction kits can’t contain fentanyl test strips. The reason: State law classifies fentanyl test strips  as drug paraphernalia, which is illegal…
The reason for these bans can be traced back to the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), Stat explains. Fentanyl test strips are largely illegal “thanks to a bill that most states passed in the late 1970s at the urging of the [DEA]. The law criminalized drug paraphernalia, and included devices that test the contents of illicit substances in that category.”
For more on this issue, see this policy analysis  from the Cato Institute’s Jeffrey A. Singer and the R Street Institute’s Sophia Heimowitz.
As Singer and Heimowitz point out, it’s not just drug testing devices banned under anti-paraphernalia laws but a number of other harm reduction tools, as well. “Some paraphernalia laws restrict people from purchasing or possessing clean needles and syringes, increasing the risk of infection from sharing and reusing those items,” they write. “People risk incarceration if they supply out or obtain clean needles and syringes, test strips to check for dangerous additives or contaminants in drugs obtained on the black market, or materials to clean drug use equipment.“