ASVAB-Mechanical-Comp benefits - ASVAB Section 3 : Mechanical Comprehension Updated: 2023
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ASVAB-Mechanical-Comp
ASVAB Section 3 : Mechanical Comprehension
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Question: 173
In the figure above, if the cogs move up the track at the same rate of speed, Cog A will __________.
A. reach the top at the same time as Cog B
B. reach the top after Cog B
C. reach the top before Cog B
D. have greater difficulty staying on track
Answer: C
The larger cog (Cog A) covers a greater linear distance in a given period of time.
Question: 174
If a house key, a wooden spoon, a plastic hanger, and a wool jacket are all the same temperature, which one feels
the coldest?
A. key
B. spoon
C. hanger
D. jacket
Answer: B
The key will feel coldest because metal is a better conductor than the other materials.
Question: 175
In the figure above, if the fulcrum supporting the lever is moved closer to the cat, the cat will be __________.
A. easier to lift and will move higher
B. harder to lift but will move higher
C. easier to lift but will not move as high
D. harder to lift and will not move as high
Answer: C
If the fulcrum is moved closer to the cat, the length of the effort arm of the lever will be increased, making the cat
easier to raise, but the height to which the cat can be raised will be reduced.
Question: 176
The mechanical advantage of the block-and-tackle arrangement shown above is __________.
A. 2
B. 4
C. 6
D. 1
Answer: A
Because this block-and-tackle arrangement merely changes the direction of the pull, it has a mechanical advantage
of only 2.
Question: 177
When Cam A completes one revolution, the lever will touch the contact point __________.
A. once
B. never
C. four times
D. twice
Answer: D
When the high point of the cam connects with the lever arm, the lever arm will touch the contact point. Two high
points on the cam mean the lever arm will touch the contact point twice with each revolution of the cam.
Question: 178
A single block-and-fall is called a __________.
A. fixed pulley
B. gun tackle
C. runner
D. sheave
Answer: C
A single block-and-fall is called a runner.
Question: 179
A clutch is a type of __________.
A. universal joint
B. coupling
C. gear differential
D. cam follower
Answer: B
Clutches connect and disconnect parts, so they’re a type of coupling.
Question: 180
A cubic foot of water weighs about 62.5 pounds.
If an aquarium is 18 feet long, 10 feet deep, and 12 feet wide, what’s the approximate pounds-per-square-inch
pressure (psi) on the bottom of the tank?
A. 2 psi
B. 4 psi
C. 5 psi
D. 7 psi
Answer: B
You can determine the pressure of all that water by multiplying the volume of the aquarium by the weight of the
water. Volume = lwh. The bottom of the tank is 18 feet long by 12 feet wide by 10 feet high for a total volume of
2,160 cubic feet (18 x 12 x 10).
A cubic foot of water weighs approximately 62.5 pounds. 2,160 x 62.5 gives an approximate pressure on the bottom
of the tank of about 135,000 pounds over the entire surface area. The surface area of the bottom of the tank is
length x width.
216 inches (18 feet x 12) x 144 inches (12 feet x 12) = 31,104.
Dividing the pressure of 135,000 by the number of square inches of surface area gives an approximate PSI of 4.
Question: 181
Springs used in machines are usually made of __________.
A. plastic
B. bronze
C. nylon fiber
D. steel
Answer: D
Machine springs are usually made of steel although sometimes they’re made of brass or other metal alloys.
Question: 182
The force produced when a boxer’s hand hits a heavy bag and "bounces" off it is called __________.
A. static electricity
B. magnetism
C. recoil
D. gravity
Answer: C
Recoil occurs when an object producing a force is kicked back.
Question: 183
In the figure above, if Gear 1 has 25 teeth and Gear 2 has 15 teeth, how many revolutions does Gear 2 make for
every 10 revolutions Gear 1 makes?
A. about 162/3
B. 12
C. about 1/3 more
D. about 20
Answer: A
To determine the answer, multiply the number of teeth Gear 1 has D and the number of revolutions it makes (R).
Divide that number by the number of teeth
Gear 2 has D to determine the number of revolutions Gear 2 makes (r). Because the gears are proportional, this
formula will show you the ratio of teeth to revolutions. r = DR/d r = (25 x 10)/15 r = 250/15, or 1610/15, or 162/3
Question: 184
Looking at the figure above, when Cat B lands on the seesaw, Cat A will __________.
A. remain stationary
B. hit the ground hard
C. rise in the air quickly
D. enter the stratosphere
Answer: C
Cat B landing on the seesaw will propel Cat A into the air.
Question: 185
Air weighs about 15 psi.
What’s the amount of pressure (force) exerted on the top of your head, given a surface area of 24 inches?
A. 360 pounds
B. 625 pounds
C. 5/8 pound
D. 180 pounds
Answer: A
Power equals force divided by area in square inches (P = F/A). This formula can also be stated as F = A x P.
Substitute the known quantities. F = 15 x 24 = 360 pounds.
Question: 186
If a first class lever with a resistance arm measuring 2 feet and an effort arm measuring 8 feet are being used,
what’s the mechanical advantage?
A. 2
B. 4
C. 6
D. 1
Answer: B
Mechanical advantage can be calculated as Length of Effort Arm ÷ Length of Resistance Arm. MA = 8 ÷ 2 = 4.
Question: 187
The bottoms of four boxes are shown above. The boxes all have the same volume.
If postal regulations state that the sides of a box must meet a minimum height, which box is most likely to be too
short to go through the mail?
A. NO. 4
B. NO. 2
C. NO. 1
D. NO. 3
Answer: D
The box with the largest area on the bottom will have the shortest sides. If length x width x height = volume, and
all the boxes have equal volume, then the sides must be shortest on the box with the largest area on the bottom.
Calculate the area of each box bottom: NO. 1 = 20 square inches; NO. 2 = 35 square inches;
NO. 3 = 48 square inches; and NO. 4 = 27 square inches. NO. 3, which has the largest area, will have the shortest
sides.
Question: 188
An induction clutch works by ___________.
A. magnetism
B. pneumatics
C. hydraulics
D. friction
Answer: A
An induction clutch is a magnetic clutch.
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Members of the military have access to special benefits and legal protections that can make a huge difference in your family's personal finances. Make sure you take full advantage of what's available.
SEE OUR COMPLETE GUIDE: Personal Finance Tips for Military Families
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One of the most exciting new benefits for servicemembers and their families is the expansion of the GI Bill, which can provide sweet education benefits for yourself, your spouse and even your children.
The Post 9/11 GI Bill can cover the full cost of in-state tuition and fees for public colleges for up to 36 months (four academic years), or up to $17,500 per year for private colleges and foreign schools. In addition, you can qualify for a housing stipend and money for books and tutoring. You can use the money for undergraduate or graduate programs at colleges and universities, or for certain programs at vocational, trade and distance-learning schools.
Eligibility is based on the length of time you serve in the military. For maximum benefits, you must serve at least 36 months or serve on active duty for at least 30 continuous days and be discharged because of a service-connected disability. Partial benefits are earned if you serve at least 90 days on active duty.
And the Post 9/11 GI Bill offers important flexibility: You may be able to transfer your benefits to your spouse or your children. You can generally opt to transfer benefits if you're on active duty or selected reserve, have served at least six years, and agree to serve four more years. (Different service commitments apply for those eligible for retirement between Aug. 1, 2009, and Aug. 1, 2013.)
Spouses may use the transferred benefits right away; children must wait until you've served at least ten years. Servicemembers and veterans (and their spouses) must use the benefits within 15 years after leaving the military. Children aren't bound by the 15-year limit, but they must use the transferred benefits by age 26.
If you'd like to transfer GI Bill benefits to your children, it’s a good idea to apply for the transfer as soon as you're eligible. The four-year period begins on the date the transfer is approved. So even if you've been in the military 15 years, for example, you would need to serve an additional four years after you elect to transfer your benefits.
Col. Houman Tavaf, who has been an Army surgeon for 17 years, transferred his GI Bill benefits to his son, William, in 2010. Will is just 8 years old now, but Tavaf transferred the benefits right after he signed up to stay in the Army for another four years to start the four-year clock ticking. For maximum flexibility, the colonel transferred 35 months of benefits to Will and one month to his wife, Kim, in case she decides to return to grad school. Although you can't add beneficiaries after leaving the military, you can alter the allocation. "This gives us such a great start on saving for Will's college," Tavaf says.
For more details about transferring benefits, see the GI Bill Transfer page. If you (or your spouse or children)are attending a private college, going to graduate school or paying out-of-state tuition at a public college, your benefits may not cover the entire bill. But you may qualify for extra help from the Yellow Ribbon program. More than 1,000 colleges provide scholarships for a certain number of students each year, and the Department of Veterans Affairs matches the school's contribution.
To qualify for a Yellow Ribbon scholarship, you must be eligible for maximum GI Bill benefits (children or spouses using transferred benefits may qualify). Yellow Ribbon funding varies widely by school and program, and you apply for these scholarships directly through the college. For the 2011–12 school year, for example, Columbia University offered 300 $7,000 Yellow Ribbon scholarships to its undergraduate school of general studies, four $5,000 scholarships to its medical school, and 32 $2,500 scholarships to its graduate school of business, plus varying scholarships to several other of its programs. See the VA's Yellow Ribbon Program page for more information.
For more information about the Post 9/11 GI Bill and the earlier Montgomery GI Bill, go to the Veterans Affairs GI Bill page.
Interest-Rate Reductions and Other Special Legal Rights
Members of the military have special legal rights that come into play if you have to move unexpectedly, are deployed or leave a civilian job to go on active duty with the Reserves or National Guard.
One of the most valuable benefits of the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act (SCRA) is the interest-rate cap: In some situations, the rate on a mortgage, credit card, car loan or other debt can be reduced to 6% if military service affects your ability to pay -- as it may if you take a pay cut when activated to the Reserve or National Guard. This rule applies only to debts incurred prior to military service or activation, not to debts taken on while on active duty. Loans for which a nonmilitary spouse is jointly liable can also qualify for the rate reduction.
June Walbert, a certified financial planner for USAA and member of the U.S. Army Reserve, took advantage of the law when she was deployed to Iraq in 2003. She notified her mortgage company, sent a copy of her official orders, and had her rate reduced from 8% to 6% while she was on active duty for six months. That shaved her mortgage payments by about $200 per month.
The rate resets when your active duty is over, but the higher rate will only apply to the remaining balance -- the difference between the higher and lower rates is forgiven, not simply deferred.
If you qualify to reduce your credit-card rate -- imagine the power of slashing the rate from 18%, say, to 6% -- more of every payment will go to pay off principal rather than to interest. You need to send the lender a written request for the rate reduction, which you can do on your own or with help from an Armed Forces Legal Assistance Office. To prove that your income has been reduced, you may be asked to submit copies of your military orders, earnings statements and tax returns.
SCRA provisions can also help servicemembers who are deployed or have to move. You have the right to terminate an apartment lease if you have orders for a permanent change of station or are deployed to a new location for 90 days or more. You can terminate a car lease without an early-termination fee if you are deployed for 180 days or longer. And you can terminate your cell-phone contract without penalty if you receive orders to relocate for more than 90 days to an area that is not supported by the contract.
You'll find more about SCRA protections at www.service members.gov.
Who is considered Active Duty?
A student who is active duty is in the military full time and can be deployed at any time. Students in the Reserve or National Guard are not full time active duty military personnel although they can be deployed at any time should the need arise.
How do I know what benefits I qualify for?
Eligibility for most benefits requires a minimum length of military service. Please review the eligibility requirements for each benefit to see if you qualiy.Â
The MN Department of Veterans Affairs is a great resource. Bethel's Regional Coordinator is Charles Egerstrom:Â charles.egerstrom@state.mn.us. (651)336-2371.
For more information regarding which VA benefit applies to you, please contact the Department of Veterans Affairs, 1-888-442-4551 (for Vocational Rehabilitation & Employment contact 1-800-827-1000). You can also visit their website.
College of Arts & Sciences
College of Adults & Professional Studies
How do I apply for benefits?
Students interested in using VA benefits should apply through VA/Vets.gov. If someone is transferring benefits to you, be sure your sponsor has completed the transfer process through milConnect.
Students interested in applying for Minnesota State Tuition Reimbursement (STR) should apply through their unit.
Students interested in applying for Federal Tuition Assistance (FTA) should apply through their respective branch. Be sure your application is complete and approved prior to the start of your class.
Students interested in the MN GI Bill® should apply through the MN Office of Higher Education. GI Bill® is a registered trademark of the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). More information about education benefits offered by VA is available at the official U.S. government Web site at http://www.benefits.va.gov/gibill.
Students interested in applying for an ROTC scholarship should apply through their respective school:
Where do I submit paperwork related to my benefits?
Please submit all paperwork to the Office of Financial Aid:
Bethel University - Office of Financial Aid
3900 Bethel Drive
St. Paul, MNÂ 55112
Send your forms securely with our Secure Document Upload Tool. Please do not attach your confidential forms to an email.
You may also fax your forms: 651-635-1491
Are there additional requirements I need to complete to process my benefits?
All students must fill out the Bethel Military Benefits Verification Form before we can review and certify their financial aid file for benefits.
How does my parent/spouse transfer benefits to me?
Submit a Transfer of Entitlement request through milConnect before applying for benefits. The student then applies for benefits as if they were the veteran through vets.gov.
I am a transfer student and receiving VA benefits. How do I transfer my benefits to Bethel?
You will need to submit a Request for Change of Program or Place of Training (VA Form 22-1995) through vets.gov. If you are receiving the Fry Scholarship or DEA (Chapter 35), please submit a Dependents' Request for Change of Program or Place of Training (VA Form 22-5495) through vets.gov.
Can I receive more than one benefit at a time?
Yes, students can receive more than one benefit at a time depending on their eligibility. For more information about possible benefits, please visit the MN Department of Veterans Affairs.
Will I receive a housing allowance?
Students receiving VA Chapter 33 will receive a monthly housing allowance based on Bethel's zip code (55112). The amount you receive depends on length of time served and Rate of Pursuit. Students must be greater than half time (50%) to qualify for a housing allowance.
What classes will my benefits cover?
The VA will pay for classes that are required for your degree program. If you have already satisfied a requirement, the VA will not cover your requested class. Whether you are a student in CAS, CAPS/GS or Seminary and you you have specific questions about the classes you are taking, please contact your School Certifying Offical (SCO):Shema Echano 651-638-6241.
How much will I receive in benefits?
The type of benefit you are eligible for determines the amount you will receive.
If you qualify for VA benefits, please visit the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs to view the current rates.
If you qualify for Federal Tuition Assistance, the amount you will receive is $250 per credit. Each branch has their own criteria for the annual amount they will pay and may limit the number of credit hours you can take.
If you qualify for the MN State Tuition Reimbursement, the reimbursement rate is equal to the cost per credit of the University of Minnesota - Twin Cities. Undergraduates can receive a maximum yearly benefit of $17,000 per fiscal year and Graduate stduetns can receive a maximum yearly benefit of $36,000 per fiscal year. The fiscal year runs from July 1 through June 30.
I qualify for State Tuition Reimbursement (STR). Do I have to apply for Federal Tuition Assistance (FTA)?
At this moment, Soldiers who qualify for FTA must apply for FTA in order to utilize STR. If you qualify for FTA and do not apply, you will not qualify for STR for that semester. Bethel will not make up lost funds. For questions or help applying for FTA, call the National Guard Education Office, 651.282.4589.
I have a balance on my account. Will my student account be assessed late fees?
Students must pay any outstanding charges not covered by their benefit to be in good standing. If you have a balance after your portion is paid, you will not incur late fees.
Who should I contact if I have additional questions about my benefits?
The Office of Financial Aid is here to assist you with any questions you have. To speak with your financial aid counselor, call 651.638.6241.
Second Opinion: Does Obamacare Impact My Military Benefits
Second Opinion: Does Obamacare Impact My Military Benefits?
A Vietnam veteran wants to know whether the Affordable Care Act will affect his TRICARE health benefits.
Second Opinion is a weekly Q-and-A series that answers questions from San Diegans on the Affordable Care Act. Ask yours here.
The Question: Will the Affordable Care Act affect TRICARE health benefits for retired military personnel?
Dan Mathews retired from the Marines in 2000. He served three tours of duties in Vietnam, where a bunker strike caused him to have periodic seizures.
It's a condition he still struggles with – the wrong medicine put him into a three-day seizure awhile back – so consistency in his medical care is really important to him.
"I have a doctor I trust and I don't want the Affordable Care Act to interfere with anything that's going on right now," Mathews said.
Mathews is covered by the military health plan, TRICARE. Here's his question:
"I'm retired military and I'm wondering, with the Affordable Care Act, how will my benefits be affected?"
The Takeaway: Military benefits won't change much.
Though not mentioned in the original Affordable Care Act language, subsequent legislation dictates that TRICARE provides the minimum level of care required under the health reform law and does not have to change.
It's also exempt from Obamacare's requirement that insurers cover dependent children until they're 26 years old. The children of current and former military personnel will continue to lose their parent's coverage at 21 if they're not attending school, and at 23 if they are.
But legislation unrelated to ACA added the TRICARE Young Adult Plan, which allows dependents who have aged out of their parents' plans to purchase coverage. Premiums are less than $200 a month.
The Affordable Care Act has had a similar effect on the Veterans Affairs health system. Its benefits won't change due to the law. The extension for dependents also doesn't apply to the VA's dependent coverage, the Civilian Health and Medical Program (CHAMPVA).
The Orders: Stay informed.
Military personnel – retired or not – don't have to worry too much about changes to their health benefits. But a good rule of thumb during the ramp-up to 2014 is to keep opening envelopes from your insurance provider. Stay informed and ask questions.
Check out last week's Second Opinion: Is it cheaper to pay the fine than to offer health coverage?
Corrected: November 17, 2023 at 12:50 AM PST
If you have a question about the Affordable Care Act, ask it at kpbs.org/aca.
A new benefit is coming to military families — the Dependent Care Flexible Spending Account, which will start on Jan. 1. However, service members must take action during the federal benefits open season in order to enroll in the program.
The flexible spending account, announced by Department of Defense officials earlier this year, helps defray the cost of child care and other dependent care by providing tax savings. Many military families have long faced difficulties in finding affordable, quality child care, and the pandemic has exacerbated the problem, with lasting effects on availability.
Military Times has delved into details about the new benefit, how you enroll, how it works, and what you need to consider.
Service members can enroll in this benefit program through the Federal Flexible Spending Account Program, known as FSAFEDS, which is sponsored by the Office of Personnel Management. Enrollment happens during open season every year, and this year it’s Nov. 13 through 11:59 p.m. Eastern Standard Time Dec. 11. FSAFEDS provides information for military members about the program in advance of the enrollment period.
The bottom line is the savings. With a $5,000 contribution, a family with an average federal income tax rate of 12% could potentially save about $600 by participating in the program, according to Jennifer Walker, DoD’s executive director for dependent care flexible spending accounts. That estimate is for general purposes, and Walker noted that it doesn’t take into account potential added savings from FICA and state income taxes.
In 2023, married couples with income from $22,000 to $89,450 are in the 12% tax rate bracket. The Internal Revenue Service adjusts these brackets annually for inflation, and is expected to announce the 2024 tax brackets within the next few weeks.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, as of 2021, about 43% of American workers had access to dependent care flexible accounts. For years, military family advocates have urged defense officials to offer this benefit to ease the cost of child care.
Families can contribute as little as $100, and as much as $5,000 over the year to this account. A $5,000 yearly contribution works out to about $417 a month from military pay. That amount is deducted from pay before taxes, so this reduces the amount of total income subject to taxes. Thus, a family with $60,000 in income who contributes $5,000 to their account would only be taxed on $55,000.
Common eligible expenses for flexible spending accounts include child care, preschool, before- and after-school care, day camps, and child or adult day care. Examples of expenses that are not eligible include elementary school tuition, overnight or sleepaway camps, nursing care, and activity lessons such as piano or karate lessons.
Starting in 2024, service members who have enrolled through FSAFEDS will submit substantiated claims for their dependent care expenses through FSAFEDS, to get reimbursed for their expenses.
Everyone’s situation is different, and Walker advised service members to estimate their expected dependent care expenses for 2024, to determine the amount they need to set aside in these accounts. She encouraged troops to take advantage of DoD’s free counseling and advice from personal financial management counselors at many military installations, and tax counselors available all year through DoD’s Military OneSource.com. FSAFEDS also offers free benefits counseling.
Who is eligible?
Active duty members and Active Guard Reserve members on Title 10 orders who pay for the care of an eligible dependent are eligible. Those are children under age 13, or dependents of any age if they are physically or mentally incapable of caring for themselves.
The dependent who receives the care must be claimed as a dependent on the federal tax return.
The care must be required to enable the service member and spouse, if married, to work, look for work or attend school full time.
Service members who use the DoD child care fee assistance program can also participate in the flexible spending accounts, based on the amount they’re paying out of pocket for child care.
While the enrollment period is generally limited to the federal benefits open season period, there may be exceptions made for qualifying life events, such as permanent change of station moves, deployments, birth of a child, or divorce. A service member can enroll, disenroll, or change their election amount when these events happen. But, as Walker noted, when such an event happens, the funds already contributed to the flex spending account will stay in the account, and can continue to be claimed for eligible expenses until the end of the calendar year. Funds that have already been contributed won’t be refunded if there’s a qualifying life event.
Tax implications
While the flexible spending account does offer tax savings to help reduce the bite of child care costs, there are some points to consider.
If you have more than $5,000 in dependent care expenses, you may still be able to take advantage of both the child and dependent care tax credit and the flexible spending account, Walker noted. But you can’t use the same expenses for both tax incentives. FSAFEDS provides a calculator to help you determine the best option between a flexible spending account and the child and dependent care tax credit.
If the non-military spouse of a service member has a flexible spending account through his or her employer, or if that spouse receives dependent care assistance through the employer, the combination of the dependent care flexible spending account and that employer’s fee assistance can’t exceed $5,000 per tax year.
Getting ready
Walker advised service members to decide whether they want to enroll in the dependent care flexible spending account by estimating the amount of money they’re going to spend on child care in 2024. Remember that for many military families using DoD child care, the cost of child care will decrease in 2024, so you may not be spending as much money on child care as you are spending in 2023.
Additionally, any funds in your account that you don’t use within certain federal deadlines are forfeited. If you don’t use all the money you’ve contributed to your account by Dec. 31, 2024, you’ll have until March 15, 2025 to use the funds for qualified expenses. Claims must be submitted by April 30, 2025 for dependent care expenses.
Be aware that you won’t be reimbursed for expenses until there’s money in the account. So while you can file claims for expenses that start Jan. 1, 2024, reimbursements from FSAFEDS can’t be made until funds are available in the account. Service members’ contributions will first be available in early February, after the pay date at the end of January, Walker said.
Once January rolls around, don’t forget to save your receipts for dependent care. Claims have to be substantiated with receipts that include the dependent’s name, the provider’s name, date of service, a detailed description of the type of service, and the amount paid for the service.
Don’t forget to file claims for reimbursement, Walker said. You can submit the claims as you pay for the dependent care, or submit them periodically. You can file claims online, through the FSAFEDS app, or by fax or mail. By setting up an online account at FSAFEDS, you can check account balances, submit claims and review their status, and select your reimbursement preferences — by direct deposit or by check.
Karen has covered military families, quality of life and consumer issues for Military Times for more than 30 years, and is co-author of a chapter on media coverage of military families in the book "A Battle Plan for Supporting Military Families." She previously worked for newspapers in Guam, Norfolk, Jacksonville, Fla., and Athens, Ga.
By Megan Sayles,
AFRO Business Writer,
msayles@afro.com
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, veterans are 45 percent more likely than non-veterans to be self-employed. According to BLS numbers, veterans are more suited as entrepreneurs because of the discipline, tenacity and adaptability they develop while serving in the military.Â
But, because veterans spend much of their time on base or in battlefields, it can be difficult for them to obtain the network and capital required to start and run a business.Â
“It is imperative that veterans have access to resources and funding opportunities. Because their sole purpose was the military for their first service, veterans and military spouses alike start behind the curve ball of entrepreneurship,” said Lauren Hope, executive director of the Second Service Foundation. “They just have not had time to connect to the community and resources available locally.”Â
In an effort to help veteran entrepreneurs grow and scale their enterprises, the AFRO compiled a list of three organizations providing funding and resources to veteran-owned businesses.Â
Warrior Rising
Established by veterans in 2015, this non-profit seeks to turn veterans into what it calls “vetpreneurs.” Warrior Rising provides veterans and their immediate family members with business training, mentorship, small business grants and professional development. Its signature training program, Warrior Academy, has 40 self-paced educational modules that render the military decision-making process into a business model.Â
“There’s a parallel between military operations orders and business plans. In most good instructional programs, when you do an overlay with something that’s familiar to people, it lends to comprehension,” Ken Vennera, chief of staff for Warrior Rising, said noting that theirÂ
Warrior Academy “helps veterans to take their concept or an existing business and Strengthen it by developing their business mindset.”Â
After Warrior Academy, veterans participate in VETtoCEO. In the eight-week program, veteran, seasoned professionals discuss business essentials, like marketing, financial projections, networking, capital and funding strategies. Once veterans complete both programs, they then apply for a Business Shower, which offers them access to grants, investors, custom-built websites, headshots, computers and marketing videos. Warrior Rising’s goal is to create 100 veteran-owned $1 million-dollar businesses by 2024.Â
“You can have an idea on a napkin. You can just be at the beginning,” said Theresa Irving, an Air Force veteran and program participant. “Sometimes the best thing that could happen in this program is you test your idea, and you save yourself thousands because you want to go in a different direction.”Â
Second Service Foundation
Since its inception in 2016, the Second Service Foundation has trained more than 10,000 military veterans and spouses to become small business owners and entrepreneurs. The nonprofit, founded by veteran Mark L. Rockefeller, connects veterans with capital, mentors and networking opportunities.Â
Its Military Entrepreneur Challenge and National Military Entrepreneur Challenge enable veterans to participate in pitch competitions to win capital, public relations packages and legal services. The organization also hosts speed coaching events, in which industry professionals donate their time and expertise to support veteran entrepreneurs. Most recently, the Second Service Foundation launched Finding Your Second Service (FYCC), an executive coaching program. Â
“Veterans do hard things well. Period. They have lived their worst days, and now their best days are ahead of them,”said Hope. “They have emotional depth based on their lived experiences, and they know that the mountains of problems in entrepreneurship are really just molehills of life. They have the grit and tenacity it takes to survive.”
Military Personnel and Veteran-owned Small Business Loan ProgramÂ
The Maryland Department Of Commerce created this no-interest loan program in 2006. The program awards certain military personnel with no-interest loans ranging from $1,000 to $50,000. Aside from veteran-owned small businesses, the program supports reservists and National Guard members who are called to active duty to ensure they can manage business expenses while serving their country.Â
For disabled veterans, the program helps pay for modifications to veterans’ places of work or houses if they work from home. The application process commences at the beginning of Maryland’s fiscal year and typically remains open for 45 to 60 days.Â
“Veterans, like other entrepreneurs, need access to capital and access to credit to sustain their businesses. The state of Maryland felt it appropriate to make this resource available to veterans based upon their commitment and the experience they’ve had in serving our country,” said Les Hall, program manager for the Office of Finance Programs at the Maryland Department of Commerce. “We found that many veterans, in particular service-disabled veterans’ don’t seek to enter the traditional market and prefer to operate their own businesses. This is one of the tools that we think facilitates that to the benefit of both the state and the veteran community.”Â
Megan Sayles is a Report For America Corps member.
Through the Military & Veteran Affairs Team, you will have the support you need to achieve your goals in this next phase of your life. Our programs at the University of New Haven will help you excel in the classroom, connect with other service members, and allow you access to all the services and resources available to ensure your success. Our dedicated staff members who work specifically with our military/student veterans and their dependents are there so that you will always know to whom and where to turn when you need help.
Defense Department planners aren’t yet considering targeted pay boosts for junior service members despite interest from lawmakers in providing more financial help for young military families, the head of a House panel on military quality of life issues said Thursday.
Members of the House Armed Services Committee’s special Quality of Life Panel met this week with Pentagon leaders conducting the Quadrennial Review of Military Compensation, a periodic review of troops’ pay and benefits. Work from that group is expected to be completed in late January 2025.
But Rep. Don Bacon, R-Neb., who chairs the special panel, said he expected Congress to act on the issue of military pay improvements well before then, and expressed concern that Defense Department officials aren’t pushing for quicker improvements to junior troops’ pay, especially in the enlisted ranks.
“They paint a rosy picture, and it doesn’t align with the reality we’re seeing among military families,” he said. “When you go out to the field, you have people going to food banks, and having a hard time paying rent. But the Defense Department keeps telling us that the pay is all right.”
House Republicans have already advanced legislation this year to supply junior enlisted troops a significant pay boost, guaranteeing that even the lowest-ranking service members make at least $31,000.
But that plan is connected to a GOP defense funding plan laden with other controversial topics, including limits on abortion access for troops, elimination of military health care for transgender individuals and financial penalties for senior Defense Department officials who have run afoul of Republican lawmakers.
The White House has come out against both the overall budget plan and the specific pay hikes for junior enlisted personnel, calling the move premature given the ongoing compensation review.
Bacon said his panel has requested an interim report from the review board in order to start acting on additional pay proposals early next year, during the annual defense authorization bill mark-up process. Defense officials told lawmakers they will provide some discussion points by the end of this year.
“We’ve got to try something,” Bacon said. “We have a recruiting problem, and I think we have a retention problem, too. But [military planners] keep telling us they don’t think it’s because of pay.”
The House panel has held a series of meetings with military families, outside advocates and Pentagon planners since the start of the summer in an effort to better understand potential financial concerns and challenges for service members.
In a statement earlier this week, Rep. Chrissy Houlahan, D-Pa., and the top Democratic lawmaker on the panel, said the pay issue will continue to be a top focus of the group’s work in coming months.
“Right now, our country is experiencing record low unemployment, a subsequently competitive job market, changing workforce and higher education landscapes, and more — all factors that must be part of the conversation around military pay and quality of life,” she said.
Troops are scheduled to receive a 5.2% pay raise in January, the largest annual boost in 22 years.
For enlisted service members ranked E-4 with three years in service, that raise would mean about $1,700 more next year in take-home pay compared to their 2023 paychecks. For senior enlisted and junior officers, the hike equals about $3,000 more. For an O-4 with 12 years of service, it would mean more than $5,400 in extra pay in 2024.
Leo covers Congress, Veterans Affairs and the White House for Military Times. He has covered Washington, D.C. since 2004, focusing on military personnel and veterans policies. His work has earned numerous honors, including a 2009 Polk award, a 2010 National Headliner Award, the IAVA Leadership in Journalism award and the VFW News Media award.
The Military Science Program offers classes open to all Santa Clara students and the Bronco Battalion, an Army Reserve Officer Training Corps (ROTC) battalion of cadets from Santa Clara University, Stanford University, San Jose State University, and UC Santa Cruz. We are designed to develop management skills and leadership abilities for successful careers in both the corporate world and the military.
As debate over China policy rages in the United States, the discussion in Washington is increasingly focused on the question of how to deter Beijing from invading or blockading Taiwan. This is for good reason: like their predecessors, Chinese President Xi Jinping and his colleagues have signaled a determination to exercise control over Taiwan and will, if necessary, resort to force to do so. Responding to these threats, a growing number of U.S. military leaders—including the former head of the U.S. Indo-Pacific Command, Admiral Phil Davidson, and Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Mike Gilday—have warned that China could attack Taiwan by 2027.
Under its “one China” policy, the United States maintains strong unofficial relations with Taiwan, as well as formal diplomatic relations with China. Washington’s policy has long been to encourage direct dialogue between leaders in Beijing and Taipei, insisting that disputes across the Taiwan Strait must be resolved peacefully. To underscore this position, the United States maintains a significant forward military presence in the Western Pacific. Yet with Chinese aggression growing in and around the Taiwan Strait, there are mounting concerns over whether the United States can preserve the peace moving forward.
Many analysts and policymakers argue that the best way for the United States to continue to deter China from attacking Taiwan is to place hard power in Beijing’s path. As U.S. Representative Mike Gallagher of Wisconsin stated recently, “We need to be moving heaven and earth to arm Taiwan to the teeth to avoid a war.” This theory of deterrence places a premium on ensuring that the United States and Taiwan have sufficient military capabilities to frustrate an invasion and to threaten China with staggering retaliatory costs. To deter China, the theory’s advocates argue, Washington must dramatically increase its defense expenditures, rebuild the U.S. defense industrial base, and accelerate the speed with which Taiwan is being provided with weapons and other military assistance.
Taking these military steps is critical, but more needs to be done. This is because, properly understood, deterrence is an exercise in political-psychological persuasion, and it has never been solely a calculation of who possesses more military assets. Deterrence requires an extensive toolkit, including diplomatic patience, nuance, surprise, brinkmanship, and also reassurance and credibility. It is this holistic view of deterrence that is needed in Washington today. Key features of a more effective strategy include a measured U.S. approach to diplomacy that avoids provocative political stunts and a renewed effort to build a deeper, wider, and stronger coalition of countries to support Taiwan’s continued security and prosperity. To preserve the peace in Asia, Washington must adopt a more comprehensive vision of deterrence that not only prevents an outright invasion or blockade, but also ensures that Taiwan’s economy, democracy, and people can flourish.
DO NOT RISK IT
Although Washington’s current conception of deterrence relies on defense, its policy on using force in the Taiwan Strait has long been ambiguous. The 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, which continues to guide U.S. policy, states that that the use of force or direct violence to “determine Taiwan’s future” would be seen as a threat to the “peace and security of the Western Pacific area and of grave concern to the United States.” This is not an explicit or unconditional ensure of U.S. intervention, although it does strongly suggest that a Chinese invasion would provoke a direct U.S. response. But by themselves, words on a page will not supply Beijing pause. Rather, successful deterrence depends on Beijing’s belief that current and future U.S. administrations, irrespective of party affiliation, would risk the lives of U.S. troops to defend Taiwan if China attacked. Should Beijing doubt this—or perceive that the United States’ commitment is unsteady or tied to superficial concerns, such as a wish to retain its access to Taiwan’s semiconductor industry—then its calculations may well shift.
But even assuming that the United States does maintain sufficient military capability and the credibility of its use, these efforts will go only so far to ensure Taiwan’s continued peace and prosperity. Beijing defines its claim to Taiwan as core to the political legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party and critical to China’s own national security. Over more than 70 years, Chinese leaders have declared their intention to assert control over Taiwan, framing its ultimate “return” to China as a foundational goal of the CCP. It is hard to conceive of any scenario whereby the CCP leadership would entirely abandon its ambitions on Taiwan based on a calculation of military power. After all, Beijing’s appetite for absorbing Taiwan did not diminish during the second half of the twentieth century, even as the United States enjoyed absolute military superiority relative to China.
Indeed, Taiwan has long been the issue that threatened to bring the United States and China into open conflict. In 1958, U.S. military planners contemplated a nuclear strike on China after CCP Chairman Mao Zedong shelled Taiwan-controlled islands. In 1995, angered by Taiwan leader Lee Teng-hui’s visit to the United States, Chinese President Jiang Zemin ordered the launch of missiles into the waters off Taiwan’s coast. In response, U.S. President Bill Clinton sent a carrier strike group toward the Taiwan Strait. Back then, the United States could more freely undertake such responses, since it enjoyed comprehensive dominance over the Chinese military. Today, Washington faces a far more powerful Chinese military that, according to the U.S. Department of Defense, is on track to have 1,000 operational nuclear warheads by 2030.
For now, Beijing likely appreciates that a direct assault on Taiwan would be prohibitively costly for China. But if Xi comes to believe that the political cost of inaction in the Taiwan Strait poses an existential threat to the CCP’s rule, he or his successors may well take enormous risks, including a dramatic military escalation. Xi would entertain such an approach only if all other avenues to unification were closed or if he calculated that restraint carried the highest political risk. There are several such scenarios that could prompt Xi to act. For example, were Taiwan to formally declare independence, Beijing might well resolve that a significant military escalation was its only politically acceptable choice. An appreciation of this risk explains why the vast majority of the Taiwanese people prefer the status quo.
NO MORE GIMMICKS
Deterrence, therefore, cannot be understood in exclusively military terms. Rather, a new and broader understanding of deterrence is needed to both prevent an invasion and ensure the security and prosperity of the Taiwanese people.
The first and most important element of a holistic approach to deterrence must be a clear and unwavering signal of U.S. support for Taiwan. Political stunts, undisciplined rhetoric, or indications that Washington is wavering in its resolve to uphold its security commitments are likely to lead to more anxiety, aggression, and unpredictability from Beijing. This was demonstrated in August 2022, when the U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi made a trip to Taiwan. Beijing responded by conducting a massive military exercise in the Taiwan Strait and, since then, has sought to normalize a persistent military presence close to Taiwan’s territorial waters. Of course, some might argue that U.S. President Joe Biden should have taken his own steps to counter this brazenness, but that misses the point. U.S. actions in the Taiwan Strait should be proactive and strategic, not reactive and undermined by political theater.
Coalitions are also critical to a holistic vision of deterrence. To preserve stability in the Taiwan Strait, it is essential for Washington to strengthen its partnerships with key allies, particularly in the Indo-Pacific and Europe. Symbolic virtue-signaling, untethered to any specific objectives, typified by Pelosi’s visit, only helps Beijing to paint Washington as the instigator of tensions and to drive wedges between the United States and other countries. Medium and small powers are unlikely to be decisive U.S. partners in the event of a conflict with China. But they can play critical, nonmilitary roles by internationalizing the Taiwan issue, and scrambling Beijing’s calculations of the costs it might incur by escalating. This is because, for all its formidable strengths, the Chinese economy remains highly dependent on access to international financial markets, as well as on imports of key technologies, technical know-how, oil, gas, and food. Chinese leaders recognize these vulnerabilities and are working to minimize them, but these cannot be solved immediately. The more united that Washington and its global partners are in their resolve to preserve peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait, the greater the risk Beijing faces when considering military operations against Taiwan.
Deterrence is an exercise in political-psychological persuasion, never solely a calculation of military assets.
Some countries, including Japan, could play outsize roles in this strategy because of their military capabilities. Others, such as Singapore and South Korea, may fill more niche roles by, for example, providing access to U.S. forces for refueling and repairs. The more partners Washington has, the more strategic options it will enjoy. The United States made progress in coalition building in February, when it signed an updated Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement with the Philippines. This now gives the Pentagon access to nine military bases near Taiwan where it can train troops and station military equipment.
Yet as the conversation about Taiwan grows more dominated by the possibility of an invasion, many partners are becoming warier of going further in aligning with the United States and Taiwan on a range of economic and diplomatic initiatives. These countries are fearful that they will embroil themselves in a potentially open-ended and escalating confrontation with China. Such concerns also affect the decisions of global companies and investors, some of whom, including Berkshire Hathaway Chairman Warren Buffett, perceive Taiwan as a risky destination for capital given the possibility of an imminent Chinese attack. The United States must show that its underlying goal is to cool tensions and preserve peace in Asia and that it has a coherent, holistic, and sustainable plan to do so. To the extent that there is instability, it is important that key global and regional actors recognize that Beijing, not Washington, is the one stirring the pot.
The stronger the coalition the United States builds, the more it will complicate Beijing’s risk-benefit calculus. A central U.S. objective must be to make Beijing perpetually unsure if it is adequately prepared to escalate its coercive or military efforts to seize Taiwan. Washington needs to make clear to China’s leaders that any battle over Taiwan would not simply be fought in the strait but would become a sprawling global effort to exploit each side’s vulnerabilities. U.S. leaders must work to privately impress upon their Chinese counterparts that the risks of expansion and escalation of a conflict could extend into space and cyberspace and could even become nuclear.
ACCIDENTS AND EMERGENCIES
At the same time, U.S. leaders must keep a path open for China and Taiwan to peacefully resolve their differences, even if such an outcome is unimaginable at present. The measure of success is not winning a war with China in the Taiwan Strait. Rather, success would be avoiding a war while allowing Taiwan to develop as a democracy. This will require persistent engagement with Chinese leaders, especially Xi, to clarify Washington’s intentions and explain its interests and concerns—and to request equal clarity from Beijing. U.S. officials must also maintain regular communication with Taiwan’s leaders, both to reassure them of the nature of their exchanges with their Chinese counterparts and, if necessary, to work to rein in any unnecessarily inflammatory actions by Taipei.
Washington and its partners must also disabuse Beijing of any suspicion that the U.S. commitment to Taiwan is weakening. The latest statement by former U.S. President Donald Trump that he would not comment on U.S. support for Taiwan in the event of an attack because “if I tell you an answer, it’s going to hurt me in negotiations” only increases the space for a miscalculation by Beijing. Chinese leaders must understand that maintaining the credibility of its security commitments is a vital interest to Washington; these commitments underpin the duties the United States has as a superpower. If key U.S. allies and partners are threatened, Beijing must know that Washington will not hesitate to act.
The United States must also provide China with incentives to moderate its aggression, not by developing new reassurances but by better acknowledging existing ones. For decades, Washington has declared that it would not support Taiwan independence and, equally, would accept any outcome negotiated between Taipei and Beijing so long as it was peaceful and enjoyed the Taiwanese people’s consent. The clarity and consistency of this long-standing commitment has wavered over the past several years, which has enflamed Beijing’s grievance that the United States is hollowing out its “one China” policy.
Any battle over Taiwan would not simply be fought in the strait but would become a sprawling global effort.
A peaceful and mutually agreed-on resolution may appear far-fetched given Xi’s increasingly coercive approach. A growing number of voices, including President Emeritus of the Council on Foreign Relations Richard Haass, state that Washington’s “strategic ambiguity” is outdated, while others argue that the “one China” policy is collapsing. But these critics consistently fail to articulate a better alternative that would simultaneously keep the peace and provide Taiwan with the security it needs to continue developing. It is incumbent on those calling for the United States to formally abandon key pillars of its “one China” policy, support Taiwan’s independence, and supply Taipei an unconditional security ensure to articulate what the likely implications would be for the region. They must answer whether such moves would help or hinder Taiwan’s security and prosperity, or create a more peaceful and predictable environment for key allies in the region, including Japan and the Philippines. Calling for a radical break—as former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has done—with traditional U.S. policy while waving away the consequences will not suffice.
At the same time, Washington’s support for the status quo must not become static. There are dramatically new dynamics at work in the Indo-Pacific that necessitate new ways of thinking and acting. U.S. policy on Taiwan has evolved and will evolve in tandem with developments around the Taiwan Strait, including Beijing’s growing truculence. The United States must remain committed to ensuring that China, as the stronger power, cannot unilaterally impose an intolerable political solution on Taiwan, the weaker one. A degree of flexibility is required to accomplish this. Washington’s policy has already proved itself capable of supporting a dynamic equilibrium by pushing back on unilateral attempts to alter the status quo, regardless of whether they emanated from Beijing or Taipei.
The real debate is not whether to jettison a policy approach that has preserved peace and protected Taiwan for decades but, rather, how the United States should evolve its approach within the current “one China” policy framework. Although there is a seductive appeal to abandoning this policy, doing so would stress U.S. commitments to Taiwan and the region and open up another fault line of risk in an already dangerous world. Unsatisfactory as it may be to many, the U.S. goal is to stretch time horizons, not collapse them.
The purpose of Washington’s strategy in the Taiwan Strait is to incentivize behavior that serves U.S. interests while disincentivizing actions that threaten them. Hard power is a critical element of the United States’ efforts to uphold peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait. It is a variable in the equation, however, and not the solution. To protect its interests, U.S. leaders must become more adept at combining efforts to bolster military capabilities with clarity in their strategic objectives, strength in their coalitions, solid coordination with Taiwan, and a sharper comprehension of the psychology of decision-makers in Beijing. The United States has protected its interest in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait for nearly 45 years. It has to up its game to continue doing so for the next 45.
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Martin’s Point Health Care has received a roughly $6 billion government contract designed to provide health care benefits for military retirees and family members of active-duty military.
Martin’s Point, which is headquartered in Portland, is one of six providers in the country to administer the Uniformed Services Family Health Plan. It has participated in the program since 1996.
Steve Amendo, chief marketing and communications officer for Martin’s Point, could not confirm the overall value of the contract as reimbursement rates are negotiated annually, but the Department of Defense health agency estimates the value at just over $6 billion. Amendo did not say how much the previous contract was worth but said the new contract price “is consistent with the growing costs associated with health care services and with administering these benefits today and into the future.”
Despite the staggering figure, Amendo said, Martin’s Point already has the necessary staffing and infrastructure in place to meet the need.
“As we look across the 10-year period that is subject to change and we are positioned to adjust accordingly,” he said.
The 10-year contract was effective Oct. 1 and allows the health care organization to cover members in Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, upstate New York and parts of Pennsylvania and Ohio.
“As a community-based, not-for-profit organization, it has been an honor and privilege to provide health care benefits to family members of those currently serving and those who have served our country over the years,” Amendo said.
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